Turkey’s Spymaster Plots Own Course on Syria

Turkey’s Spymaster Plots Own Course on Syria
http://stream.wsj.com/story/latest-headlines/SS-2-63399/SS-2-350761/
Oct 10, 2013 World
Hakan Fidan Takes Independent Tack in Wake of Arab Spring
Hakan Fidan, Turkey's powerful spymaster, has emerged as an architect of a regional strategy that has tilted the interests of the U.S. ally in ways sometimes counter to those of the U.S.
By Adam Entous, Joe Parkinson

President Obama and John Kerry met with Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan and Turkish intelligence chief Fidan, second and third from left, in May. - Official White House Photo by Pete Souza

On a rainy May day, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan led two of his closest advisers into the Oval Office for what both sides knew would be a difficult meeting.

It was the first face-to-face between Mr. Erdogan and President Barack Obama in almost a year. Mr. Obama delivered what U.S. officials describe as an unusually blunt message: The U.S. believed Turkey was letting arms and fighters flow into Syria indiscriminately and sometimes to the wrong rebels, including anti-Western jihadists.

Seated at Mr. Erdogan’s side was the man at the center of what caused the U.S.’s unease, Hakan Fidan, Turkey’s powerful spymaster and a driving force behind its efforts to supply the rebels and topple Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

In the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings, Mr. Fidan, little known outside of the Middle East, has emerged as a key architect of a Turkish regional-security strategy that has tilted the interests of the longtime U.S. ally in ways sometimes counter to those of the U.S.

“Hakan Fidan is the face of the new Middle East,” says James Jeffrey, who recently served as U.S. ambassador in Turkey and Iraq. “We need to work with him because he can get the job done,” he says. “But we shouldn’t assume he is a knee-jerk friend of the United States, because he is not.”

Mr. Fidan is one of three spy chiefs jostling to help their countries fill a leadership vacuum created by the upheaval and by America’s tentative approach to much of the region.

One of his counterparts is Prince Bandar bin Sultan al-Saud, Saudi Arabia’s intelligence chief, who has joined forces with the Central Intelligence Agency in Syria but who has complicated U.S. policy in Egypt by supporting a military takeover there. The other is Iran’s Maj. Gen. Qasem Soleimani, commander-in-chief of the Quds Forces, the branch of the elite Revolutionary Guard Corps that operates outside of Iran and whose direct military support for Mr. Assad has helped keep him in power.

Mr. Fidan’s rise to prominence has accompanied a notable erosion in U.S. influence over Turkey. Washington long had cozy relations with Turkey’s military, the second-largest army in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. But Turkey’s generals are now subservient to Mr. Erdogan and his closest advisers, Mr. Fidan and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu, who are using the Arab Spring to shift Turkey’s focus toward expanding its regional leadership, say current and former U.S. officials.

Mr. Fidan, 45 years old, didn’t respond to requests for an interview. Mr. Erdogan’s office declined to elaborate on his relationship with Mr. Fidan.

At the White House meeting, the Turks pushed back at the suggestion that they were aiding radicals and sought to enlist the U.S. to aggressively arm the opposition, the U.S. officials briefed on the discussions say. Turkish officials this year have used meetings like this to tell the Obama administration that its insistence on a smaller-scale effort to arm the opposition hobbled the drive to unseat Mr. Assad, Turkish and U.S. officials say.

Mr. Fidan is the prime minister’s chief implementer.

Since he took over Turkey’s national-intelligence apparatus, the Milli Istihbarat Teskilati, or MIT, in 2010, Mr. Fidan has shifted the agency’s focus to match Mr. Erdogan’s.

His growing role has met a mixture of alarm, suspicion and grudging respect in Washington, where officials see him as a reliable surrogate for Mr. Erdogan in dealing with broader regional issues—the futures of Egypt, Libya and Syria, among them—that the Arab Spring has brought to the bilateral table.

Mr. Fidan raised concerns three years ago, senior U.S. officials say, when he rattled Turkey’s allies by allegedly passing to Iran sensitive intelligence collected by the U.S. and Israel.

More recently, Turkey’s Syria approach, carried out by Mr. Fidan, has put it at odds with the U.S. Both countries want Mr. Assad gone. But Turkish officials have told the Americans they see an aggressive international arming effort as the best way. The cautious U.S. approach reflects the priority it places on ensuring that arms don’t go to the jihadi groups that many U.S. officials see as a bigger threat to American interests than Mr. Assad.

U.S. intelligence agencies believe Mr. Fidan doesn’t aim to undercut the U.S. but to advance Mr. Erdogan’s interests. In recent months, as radical Islamists expanded into northern Syria along the Turkish border, Turkish officials have begun to recalibrate their policy—concerned not about U.S. complaints but about the threat to Turkey’s security, say U.S. and Turkish officials.

There is no doubt in Turkey where the spymaster stands. Mr. Fidan is “the No. 2 man in Turkey,” says Emre Uslu, a Turkish intelligence analyst who writes for a conservative daily. “He’s much more powerful than any minister and much more powerful than President Abdullah Gul.”

Still, he cuts a modest figure. Current and former Turkish officials describe him as gentle and unpretentious. In U.S. meetings, he wears dark suits and is soft-spoken, say U.S. officials who have met him repeatedly and contrast him with Prince Bandar, the swashbuckling Saudi intelligence chief.

“He’s not Bandar,” one of the officials says. “No big cigars, no fancy suits, no dark glasses. He’s not flamboyant.”

Mr. Fidan’s ascension is remarkable in part because he is a former noncommissioned officer in the Turkish military, a class that usually doesn’t advance to prominent roles in the armed forces, business or government.

Mr. Fidan earned a bachelor of science degree in government and politics from the European division of the University of Maryland University College and a doctorate in political science from Ankara’s elite Bilkent University. In 2003, he was appointed to head Turkey’s international-development agency.

He joined Mr. Erdogan’s office as a foreign-policy adviser in 2007. Three years later, he was head of intelligence.

“He is my secret keeper. He is the state’s secret keeper,” Mr. Erdogan said of his intelligence chief in 2012 in comments to reporters.

Mr. Fidan’s rise at Mr. Erdogan’s side has been met with some concern in Washington and Israel because of his role in shaping Iran policy. One senior Israeli official says it became clear to Israel that Mr. Fidan was “not an enemy of Iran.” And mistrust already marked relations between the U.S. and Turkish intelligence agencies. The CIA spies on Turkey and the MIT runs an aggressive counterintelligence campaign against the CIA, say current and former U.S. officials.

The tension was aggravated in 2010 when the CIA began to suspect the MIT under Mr. Fidan of passing intelligence to Iran.

At the time, Mr. Erdogan was trying to improve ties with Tehran, a central plank of Ankara’s “zero problems with neighbors” policy. U.S. officials believe the MIT under Mr. Fidan passed several pieces of intelligence to Iran, including classified U.S. assessments about the Iranian government, say current and former senior U.S. and Middle Eastern officials.

U.S. officials say they don’t know why Mr. Fidan allegedly shared the intelligence, but suspect his goal was relationship-building. After the Arab Spring heightened tensions, Mr. Erdogan pulled back from his embrace of Tehran, at which point U.S. officials believe Mr. Fidan did so, too.

Officials at the MIT and Turkey’s foreign ministry declined to comment on the allegations.

In 2012, Mr. Fidan began expanding the MIT’s power by taking control of Turkey’s once-dominant military-intelligence service. Many top generals with close ties to the U.S. were jailed as part of a mass trial and convicted this year of plotting to topple Mr. Erdogan’s government. At the Pentagon, the jail sentences were seen as the coup de grace for the military’s status within the Turkish system.

Mr. Fidan’s anti-Assad campaign harks to August 2011, when Mr. Erdogan called for Mr. Assad to step down. Mr. Fidan later started directing a secret effort to bolster rebel capabilities by allowing arms, money and logistical support to funnel into northern Syria—including arms from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other Gulf allies—current and former U.S. officials say.

Mr. Erdogan wanted to remove Mr. Assad not only to replace a hostile regime on Turkey’s borders but also to scuttle the prospect of a Kurdish state emerging from Syria’s oil-rich northeast, political analysts say.

Providing aid through the MIT, a decision that came in early 2012, ensured Mr. Erdogan’s office had control over the effort and that it would be relatively invisible, say current and former U.S. officials.

Syrian opposition leaders, American officials and Middle Eastern diplomats who worked with Mr. Fidan say the MIT acted like a “traffic cop” that arranged weapons drops and let convoys through checkpoints along Turkey’s 565-mile border with Syria.

Some moderate Syrian opposition leaders say they immediately saw that arms shipments bypassed them and went to groups linked to the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr. Erdogan’s Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party has supported Muslim Brotherhood movements across the region.

Syrian Kurdish leaders, meanwhile, charge that Ankara allowed arms and support to reach radical groups that could check the expanding power of Kurdish militia aligned with Turkey’s militant Kurdistan Workers’ Party.

Turkish border guards repeatedly let groups of radical fighters cross into Syria to fight Kurdish brigades, says Salih Muslim, co-chairman of the Democratic Union of Syria, Turkey’s most powerful Kurdish party. He says Turkish ambulances near the border picked up wounded fighters from Jabhat al Nusra, an anti-Assad group linked to al Qaeda. Turkish officials deny those claims.

Opposition lawmakers from the border province of Hatay say Turkish authorities transported Islamist fighters to frontier villages and let fighter-filled planes land at Hatay airport. Turkish officials deny both allegations.

Mehmet Ali Ediboglu, a lawmaker for Hatay’s largest city, Antakya, and a member of the parliament’s foreign-relations committee, says he followed a convoy of more than 50 buses carrying radical fighters and accompanied by 10 police vehicles to the border village of Guvecci. “This was just one incident of many,” he says. Voters in his district strongly oppose Turkish support for the Syrian opposition. Turkish officials deny Mr. Ediboglu’s account.

In meetings with American officials and Syrian opposition leaders, Turkish officials said the threat posed by Jabhat al Nusra, the anti-Assad group, could be dealt with later, say U.S. officials and Syrian opposition leaders.

The U.S. added Nusra to its terror list in December, in part to send a message to Ankara about the need to more tightly control the arms flow, say officials involved in the internal discussions.

The May 2013 White House encounter came at a time when Mr. Obama had grown increasingly uncomfortable with the Turkish leader’s policies relating to Syria, Israel and press freedoms, say current and former U.S. officials.

Mr. Obama told the Turkish leaders he wanted a close relationship, but he voiced concerns about Turkey’s approach to arming the opposition. The goal was to convince the Turks that “not all fighters are good fighters” and that the Islamist threat could harm the wider region, says a senior U.S. official.

This year, Turkey has dialed back on its arming efforts as it begins to worry that the influence of extremist rebel groups in Syria might bleed back into Turkey. At Hatay airport, the alleged way station for foreign fighters headed to Syria, the flow has markedly decreased, says a representative of a service company working at the airport.

In September, Turkey temporarily shut part of its border after fighting erupted between moderate Syrian rebels and an Iraqi al Qaeda outfit, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham. Turkish President Gul warned that “radical groups are a big worry when it comes to our security.”

In recent months, Turkish officials have told U.S. counterparts that they believe the lack of American support for the opposition has fueled extremism because front-line brigades believe the West has abandoned them, say U.S. and Turkish officials involved in the discussions.

In September, Mr. Davutoglu, the foreign minister, met Secretary of State John Kerry, telling him Turkey was concerned about extremists along the Syrian border, say U.S. and Turkish officials. The Turks wanted Mr. Kerry to affirm that the U.S. remained committed to the Syrian opposition, say U.S. officials.

Mr. Kerry told Turkish officials the U.S. was committed but made clear, a senior administration official says of the Turkish leaders, that “they need to be supportive of the right people.”

Also in September, Mr. Fidan met with CIA Director John Brennan and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, say Turkish and U.S. officials, who decline to say what was discussed.

A former senior U.S. intelligence official says Mr. Fidan has built strong relationships with many of his international counterparts. At the same time, a current U.S. intelligence official says, it is clear “we look at the world through different lenses.”

Write to Adam Entous at adam.entous@wsj.com and Joe Parkinson at joe.parkinson@wsj.com

Rights Group Warns Against Bahrain’s Use of Tear Gas Against Protesters

Rights Group Warns Against Bahrain’s Use of Tear Gas Against Protesters
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/23/world/middleeast/rights-group-warns-against-tear-gas-abuse-by-bahrain.html
By KAREEM FAHIM
Published: October 22, 2013

CAIRO — A human rights group said Tuesday that Bahrain, which has been criticized for cracking down on opposition protesters, might “misuse” more than a million canisters of tear gas that the government is reportedly trying to buy.

The group, Human Rights Watch, said that Bahraini security forces had “repeatedly used tear gas disproportionately and sometimes unlawfully in suppressing antigovernment demonstrations” since 2011, when protests against Bahrain’s monarchy erupted as part of the wave of uprisings sweeping the Middle East.

Tear gas misuse “has been implicated in more than a dozen deaths and serious injuries,” the group said.

The warning came after a watchdog group, Bahrain Watch, released documents last week showing what the group said was a public tender for 1.6 million tear gas shells, 90,000 tear gas grenades and 145,000 sound and flash grenades. The tender, dated June 16, was issued by Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior, which oversees the riot police.

During almost three years of unrest, Bahrain’s Sunni monarchy has given little quarter to its opposition, led by members of the island nation’s Shiite majority, which is pressing for broader rights and political inclusion. Bahrain’s most active dissidents have been imprisoned or exiled. Street protests that spring up almost daily are quickly dispersed by the riot police, often using tear gas, birdshot and sound grenades.

A report last year by Physicians for Human Rights, which has been sharply critical of the Bahraini government, said the “extensive and persistent use” of tear gas in Bahrain was “unprecedented in the 100-year history of tear gas use against civilians.” The group found that the authorities fired projectiles at protesters at close range, causing grievous injuries, and used tear gas against civilians in their homes or cars.

A press officer for the Bahraini government did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the planned purchase. In the past, the government has said that its use of tear gas adheres to international standards of riot control and is employed to disperse youths who increasingly use incendiary devices and other weapons against the police.

The United States has withheld licenses for tear gas exports to Bahrain, which hosts the Navy’s Fifth Fleet. Bahrain Watch said it believed that several South Korean companies had supplied most of the tear gas used by the government since 2011.

A version of this article appears in print on October 23, 2013, on page A8 of the New York edition with the headline: Rights Group Warns Against Bahrain’s Use of Tear Gas Against Protesters.

Commentary:

Is Tear Gas not a form of chemical weapon ? According to the enclosed report that documents that the cruel and criminal regime of Bahrain has been using this weapon against its innocent Shia majority population, for a long time period. All these poor and helpless Bahraini Shia Muslims are striving for are basic Human Rights and Civil Liberties that are enjoyed by the other segments of Bahraini population. Saudi Arabia, once again acting as the big dog of the Middle East, and by blackmailing the West with its treasure, has given Bahrain's Monarchy an open leash to persecute Bahraini Shia Muslims as much as it wishes to. These bloody and brazen acts of criminality by the Bahraini regime will not cease unless the West uses the same sledge hammer, it did on Bashar al-Assad of Syria!

Agha Shaukat Jafri

The Day of Ghadeer: Undeniable. Truth. Completion.

The Day of Ghadeer: Undeniable. Truth. Completion.
http://umaamerica.net/content/day-ghadeer-undeniable-truth-completion
Submitted by admin on Thu, 10/24/2013 - 11:38

Thursday, October 24, 2013
Tags: Eid Al-Ghadeer Imam Ali Prophet Muhammad

The 18th of Dhul-hijjah is a very important day in the calendar of the followers of the Ahlul-Bayt, (A.S.). It is known as Eid al-Ghadeer, referring to that great moment in history when the Holy Prophet, may God bless him and his household, declared in front of over 100,000 Muslims returning from Haj, the WILAYAT OF ALI BIN ABI TALIB (a). The Prophet announced that Imam Ali (as) was the rightful successor and leader of the Muslims after him.

Imam Ja'far as-Sadiq (a) was asked if there was Eid for Muslims besides Friday, Adha and Fitr. Imam replied, "Yes, there is one more Eid which is most great in holiness (a'adhamuha hurmatan)." The person asked him which Eid that was. Imam said: "It is the day when the Messenger of God declared Amirul Mu'mineen his vicegerent, saying: WAMAN KUNTU MAWLAAHU FA-'ALIYYUN MAWLAAH (Of whosoever I am his Master, 'Ali is his Master). And it is the 18th of Dhil-hijjah." To read more on the incident of Ghadeer click here.

According to ahadith received from the Imams (as) some of the a'maal (rituals) recommended for the day of Ghadeer are:

• Rememeber the Ahlul Bayt by saying of Salawat as many times as it is possible. ALLAHUMMA SwALLI 'ALAA MUHAMMADIWN WA-AALI MUHAMMAD O Allah, send blessings on Muhammad and his household.
• Istighfaar (seeking forgiveness from the Almighty). Sins are forgiven and believers get salvation on this day the way it has been promised for the days of Holy Ramadhan and the night of Qadr.
• Visiting (ziyarah) the tomb of Imam 'Ali (a) in Najaf, Iraq.
• Assist the needy amongst the believers. The reward for assisting today is 1000 times the reward for other days.
• Ihsaan for fellow believers (doing good, including favoring by assisting physically, financially and morally) and making them happy (for example by forgiving their past mistakes, overlooking their slips, visiting them, giving gifts, etc).
• Performing Ghusl before noon (midday) and then reading two rakaat Salat. In every rak'ah after suratul Hamd read 10 times surat Tawheed (#112) and 10 times Ayatul Kursee (verses 255 to 257 of suratul Baqarah) and 10 times suratul Qadr (#97).

http://www.al-islam.org

The International Conference on Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba

The International Conference on Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba
http://islammdp.blogspot.com/2013/10/the-international-conference-on-imam.html
22/10/13

In the Name of Allah
International Conference on the holy prophet’s Grandson,
Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba (a.s.)

Introduction

The International Conference on Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba (a.s.) is held with the aim of investigating and elaborating on the cultural, political and social dimensions of his life. By holding the event, the organizers intend to pay tribute to the distinguished grandson of the holy Prophet (a.s.) and hope that it will provide an opportunity to introduce the exalted position of this holy Imam to the world.

This conference is made possible by the cooperation of the Ahl al-Bayt World Assembly, the Qasim ibn al-Hasan Religious and Cultural Institute, the Islamic Seminary of Qom, the Islamic Propagation Office of Qom, the Coordination Committee for Cultural and Art Centers in Mosques of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, the Tehran Municipality, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting, and other cultural and religious organizations in Iran.

Aims and Objectives

- Promotion of adherence to the thoughts and practice of the Ahl al-Bayt (the Infallible Household of the holy Prophet of Islam (a.s.))
- Preparation of a suitable foundation for religious identification according to the holy Ahl al-Bayt’s (a.s.) thought
- Comprehensive elaboration and introduction of the personality of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Elaboration of the theory of peace and crisis management according to Imam Hasan’s thought

Topics

- General
- Ontology in Imam Hasan’s point of view
- Anthropology in Imam Hasan’s point of view
- Ethical principles in Imam Hasan’s point of view
- Theological principles of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Islamic jurisprudence (Fiqh) of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Methodologies of research about Imam Hasan’s thoughts and practice
- Resources for studying Imam Hasan’s thoughts and lifestyle
- Government in the viewpoint of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Cultural practices of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Crisis management of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Economic practices of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Military practices of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Security procedures of Imam Hasan (a.s.)

B) Social and PERSONAL Life of Imam Hasan (a.s.)

- Biography and life history of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Personality and characteristics of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Worship and virtues of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- The role of Imam Hasan (a.s.) in the political system of Imam Ali (a.s.)
- The role of Imam Hasan (a.s.) in safeguarding and spreading the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt (a.s.) during Mu‘awiyah’s rule
- Lifestyle in the viewpoint of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Children and wives of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Companions and pupils of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Academic heritage of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Theological thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Jurisprudential (Fiqhi) thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Ethics in the thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Edification in the thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Political thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Economic thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Management in the thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Security in the thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Military in the thought of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Examination of the queries and doubts posed by Wahabis and Salafis regarding Imam Hasan (a.s.), and response to these criticisms
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) in the viewpoint of non-Muslim and Sunni scholars
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) and his way of life in poetry, literature, and arts

Sociopolitical, cultural & religious conditions of the age of Imam Hasan (a.s.)

- Sociological study of Imam Hasan’s era
- Study of the political currents of Imam Hasan’s era
- Study of cultural and religious trends of Imam Hasan’s era
- Global political conditions in Imam Hasan’s period
- Conditions in the Islamic Ummah (Muslim community) in the period of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Role of the Umayyad dynasty in diverting the Islamic Ummah from the path of the holy Prophet (s) (with special emphasis on Imam Hasan’s era)
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) in the words and thought of great Muslim scholars in general, and Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei in particular
- Hasani Sadat (Descendants of Imam Hasan a.s.)

The Hasani Sadat (Descendants of Imam Hasan (a.s.))

- Historical review of the role of the Hasani Sadat in uprisings and struggles in early Islamic periods
- Historical review of the presence of the Hasani Sadat in northern Africa
- Review of the role of the Hasani Sadat in turning the hearts of the African people towards the Ahl al-Bayt (a.s.)

Objectives of Imam Hasan (a.s.)

- Proximity to Allah in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Purpose of life in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Moral virtues of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Political ethics in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- The status of the world and the hereafter in Imam Hasan’s point of view

Theories extracted from Imam Hasan’s life

- Theory of peace in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Theory of power in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Participatory theory in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Theory of justice in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Theory of security in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Theory of crisis management in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Cultural theory of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Economic theory of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Theory of government in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Theory of Imamate and Leadership in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice

Imam hasan (a.s.) as a role model

- Political cultivation in Imam Hasan’s practice
- Characteristics of political, military, judicial, economic and security officials in Imam Hasan’s point of view
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) as a role model for socially acceptable behavior
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) as a role model for political participation
- The citizenship model of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Relationship between shariah (Islamic law) and political power in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Imam Hasan (a.s.) as a role model in dealing with opposers and critics
- Enjoining the good (amr bi al-ma‘ruf) and forbidding the evil (nahy ‘an al-munkar) in Imam Hasan’s thought and practice
- Emphasis on the parameters of ‘Islamic identity’ in Imam Hasan’s point of view

Comparative studies

- Comparative study of systems of Imamate and Caliphate
- Comparative study of Imam Hasan (a.s.) and the Hudaybiyyah Peace Treaty
- Comparative study of the periods of Imam Hasan (a.s.) and Imam Hussein (a.s.)

Sociopolitical Pathology

- Political pathology in the viewpoint of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Imam Hasan’s approaches towards sociopolitical problems and challenges
- The role of Islamic leadership in political stability in the viewpoint of Imam Hasan (a.s.)
- Factors of stability and instability in a society and government in the viewpoint of Imam Hasan (a.s.)

The format of articles of Sibt al-Nabi (‘a) Conference

- Articles and works should not have been submitted and /or published in other conferences, magazines and scholarly symposiums.
- Articles should be written either in Arabic, English or Persian.
- Executive and research records should be attached to articles.
- The selected articles and works will be published in a collective issue by the Assembly.
- The authors of the selected works, after judging, will be invited to attend the conference and will be awarded prizes during the conference. (If authors not being able to attend the conference, the prizes will be sent to their addresses.)
- Article should be written in 20-25 pp. each page consists of 300 words with font Times New Roman, size 11 and typed on word.
- Abstract of article should consist of utmost 150 words along with its key words be typed in the beginning of the article.
- References mentioned in the text and into brackets should be like: (p., vol., date of publication, full name of the author)
- References in details should be mentioned in the end of the article and before bibliography.
- In the end of article, the references of Persian, Arabic and English books as well as articles should be classified and separately mentioned as follows:
- Book: First name and surname of author, (date of publication), name of book in italic, name of translator, place of publication, name of publisher.
- Article: First name and surname of author, (date of publication), (title of article), name of translator, title of publication in italic, number of publication, number of pages related to article.
- Internet references: surname of author, name of author, date of contact, title of article, title of site (title of e-publication, vol. number, page, paragraph, email.

Date: 16-17.10.1392/ 6-7.1.2014
Venue: The hall of Chiefs of Muslim States., Tehran.

Deadline: articles, poems and blogs on 30.8.1392/21.11.2013
Address: Deputy Cultural Affairs, the Ahl al-Bayt (‘a) World Assembly, at the corner of alley 6, Jumhuri bld., Qum.
Fax: 00 98 253 2131350
Tel: 00 98 253 2131355
00 98 253 2131347
Email: sebtenabee@gmail.com

President al-Assad: The biggest victory today is to eliminate terrorists and terrorist mentality

President al-Assad: The biggest victory today is to eliminate terrorists and terrorist mentality
http://sana.sy/eng/21/2013/10/09/506486.htm
Oct 09, 2013

Damascus, (SANA) – President Bashar al-Assad said in an interview given to Tishreen newspaper on occasion of October Liberation War that the most important thing about October War was the victory of Arab will and mind over the fears and illusions placed in the minds of Arab citizens in the stage following the 1967 war.

President al-Assad said that the Syrian people made the October War with their steadfastness and their embracing the Armed Forces, affirming that the primary and biggest victory today would be to eliminate terrorists, terrorism , terrorist mentality and the plot concocted by some foreign countries and contributed to by other countries in the region with the aim of destroying Syria.

Following is the full text of the interview:

Tishreen: Mr. President, forty years ago Syria fought the October war of liberation. In your view, how does Syria look today? How has the general landscape changed internally and externally?

President Assad: Many things have changed during the past forty years with the changing generations and circumstances. If we were to make a quick and brief comparison between that period and this one, - forty years ago the Arab states were united: culturally, ideologically, morally, politically, militarily and media wise against the Zionist enemy. Today, the Arab states are united, but against Syria.

So, we are talking about two completely different things. At that time, the Syrian and Egyptian armies fought one battle against one enemy - the Israeli enemy. Coincidentally, in the last few weeks the two armies have been fighting against one enemy, but the enemy is no longer Israel. Today, the enemy fighting the Syrian and Egyptian armies is an Arab and Muslim enemy. Forty years ago, treason and collaboration with the enemy were hidden, while today they are openly declared and have become a choice for individuals, governments and for Arab officials: the choice of being a collaborator or not. They are no longer considered as taboos.

I think that the most important aspect though is Arab identity, which was clearer. Today, the Arab identity is torn between two extremes; forty years on, the Arab identity is torn on the one hand between being illogically and unreasonably fascinated by the West and even completely surrendering to it, and between extremism, closure and takfiri ideology on the other. Of course this doesn’t mean that there are no positive aspects. In the last few months we have started to see a state of national awareness in the Arab street as a result of what the Arab world went through during the last decades and as a result of changes related to the current crisis in the region.

Tishreen: Mr. President, the Syrian Arab Army was able to achieve victory in the war of October 1973. Today, it is fighting a different kind of war. Is it possible for us to see a repetition of the October War victory?

President Assad: Like most people, we often talk about victory in the military sense. We often measure victories by the number of meters on the ground that have been won or lost. The October War has often been judged on this basis. In fact the concept of victory is much more comprehensive. The most important aspect in the October War was the triumph of will and the triumph of the Arab mind when it was able to understand where its real interest lies.

The collective mind of the Arab society or the Arab countries was able to put this vision into practical implementation, which in turn led to the October War victory. It was a victory over fear and illusions implanted in the Arab mind in the period following the 1967 war and preceding the 1973 war; the Arab mind defeated that illusion.

Today, if we want to talk about victory, particularly that we are in a different kind of war and face a different kind of enemy, we cannot look at victory in the same way. If we want to talk about victory or work towards achieving it, we should have a more comprehensive vision that goes beyond daily military operations in which the armed forces are making good progress. The question is: do we possess that kind of thought, which enables us to achieve victory? The first step in that direction is for us to know our interests as Syrian citizens and to get united, to distinguish between political differences and differences over the homeland. We began to triumph when we united against the main problem, which is terrorism; part of it comes from inside Syria and the larger part of it is exported to Syria from the outside world. Only then did we start to achieve real success because a unified society is the main factor that enables the armed forces to achieve victory as quickly as possible.

Returning to the question, yes, we can achieve this victory. The first and most important victory today is to get rid of the terrorists, terrorism and terrorist ideology. By doing that, we defeat the plot designed by foreign countries and in which other countries in the region participated in order to destroy Syria. What is more important for us is to believe in this victory, when every one of us believes that we are capable of victory, we will certainly achieve it.

Tishreen: Mr. President, the Syrian people were behind their leadership and their army in the October War, a fact that strengthened the entire national fabric. It seems that some people have changed their choices regarding the enemy, Israel. Have the state, state institutions and civil society failed to play their role? Or is it just the influence of globalization and intensive media wars? Or have they been trapped by a conspiracy that uses freedom and democracy as a ploy?

President Assad: When there is a failure at a national level, the whole country and its citizens are responsible, to varying degrees. Of course, the first to be held responsible for any failure is the government, any government. In the second degree you have existing political parties, then civil society and private organizations, followed by the role of every individual at home and in society. Here we need to ask ourselves: when we have a certain failure, - like a Syrian mercenary, a Syrian extremist, or a Syrian criminal, - are these people the product of the outside world? No, they are produced inside the country. If there have external influences, then these influences have succeeded, because of our internal failings. So, we must hold ourselves collectively responsible for this failure. We need to acknowledge that we have a crisis of morals in Syria.

As for some of the local causes, we have failed to communicate with each other in order to preserve moderate Syrian history in the social, political and religious sense. This has been Syria’s history for centuries, so how can we lose it in a few years or a few decades? This means that we have not been able to preserve this heritage which we have inherited generation after generation for a very long period of time; this is our responsibility. Part of the problem is lack of communication with the new generation, the increasing pressures of living conditions, consumerism and too many temptations. We also have external influencing factors such as satellite TV stations contributing to the education of the young generation and social media and the Internet, which have been more influential than the government, other institutions or even individuals.

In other words, yes we are partly responsible for this moral degradation, which was one of the main reasons for this crisis. Had we been seriously aware of the dangers, of the requirements of modern life and technologies and their negative impact on the new generation, we would have been able to avoid the crisis completely or reduce its impact on the country.

Nevertheless, this experience has been tough but maybe it is necessary for the Syrian society. Perhaps, if it came later its consequences would have been worse. What’s important now, since we cannot turn the clock back, is to learn from what happened and ask ourselves why it happened. If there are things that we failed to address previously, we should start to address them even before the end of the crisis because this is a region of crises throughout history; and if we overcome this crisis without learning from its lessons, future crises will be devastating.

Tishreen: Mr. President, have you bargained on a peaceful solution for the Syrian crisis in return for handing over the chemical weapons? What is your view of what is being said about the initiative being in response to American threats?

President Assad: To start with, Syrian chemical weapons were first produced in the 1980s in order to bridge the technical gap in the conventional weapons between Syria and Israel. It is not widely known, but Syria stopped producing these weapons in the second half of the 1990s, because by that time significant parts of the gap had been bridged, despite Israel’s continuous military progress as a result of American support.

At the beginning of the third millennium, Syria was still making significant and accelerated progress in the field of conventional weapons and we no longer needed these (chemical) weapons. It’s for this reason that we proposed to the UN Security Council in 2003 to free the Middle East of WMDs. It was the US that obstructed this proposal because it did not want to embarrass Israel with such agreements, since the proposal applied to all countries in the region, including Israel. Of course the proposal did not succeed.

Today, I think the chemical weapons issue is not clear for many people. Some feel relieved because this card has been used in order to avoid a crazy American war against Syria, which would have consequently destroyed the region. Those who perceive that by abandoning our chemical weapons and signing the chemical weapons convention we have protected Syria from war are naïve because the US - with its history of aggression and destruction for decades, particularly after World War II - does not need pretexts. It can create new ones every day, and if it loses one pretext, it will look for another in different areas.

We need to look at this issue in a more comprehensive framework, particularly in light of the changes that have started to evolve on the international political arena. Syria’s use of this card is in line with strengthening this new political landscape that serves and protects Syria directly. Here, I am referring to the Russian role, which started to emerge and become stronger during the Syrian crisis. As we noticed during the G20 summit, Russia entered the summit – as some in the West assume – lonely and isolated, but it emerged supported by the majority of these countries. The US was left isolated on the backdrop of the Russian initiative, which was made in the summit but not declared at the time. In fact, this initiative was put forward by Russia and agreed between Syria and Russia, to be announced later. For us, the environment that prevented us in 2003 from proposing the idea of removing all chemical weapons was now possible due to the Russian initiative; but the objectives and conditions were different. Consequently, using this card in order to strengthen the role of the Russians, the Chinese and other countries supporting Syria, strengthens the Syrian position in facing this crisis. In other words, Syria’s endorsement of this initiative has nothing to do with the American threats, because those threats were not practically related to abandoning chemical weapons. They came under the title of preventing Syria from using the weapons again.

In fact the initiative came as a surprise to the Americans. The proof being that John Kerry later proposed, on the background of the initiative being made in the G20 summit, handing over the Syrian chemical weapons within one week. He did not expect Syria to respond, and was surprised when the response came within hours when the Syrian foreign minister was in Russia. No state can determine such an important subject in one hour, particularly that the political team was in Moscow and not in Damascus; this shows that the whole issue was already prepared. It was not proposed by the US and it was not a concession to an American demand because the demand was not there to start with. This is the important point. It was a preemptive initiative in order to avoid war on Syria and the whole region. But more importantly, it helps having an international political map in the service of Syrian interests and stability in the region.

Tishreen: Mr. President, how can you assure the Syrian street that handing over these chemical weapons does not deprive the Syrian Arab Army from its ability to deter Israel? Has Syria received guarantees in this regard, if Israel launched an aggression after we hand over our chemical weapons?

President Assad: WMDs have not been used previously in Arab-Israeli wars; many say they are suicidal weapons. There is no doubt that the countries which can make significant leaps in conventional weapons have the better and more effective option, because it is the available option and can be used normally in any war. Now we are talking from a military perspective. All these conditions made us think in this way and to articulate that through the Russian initiative.

Our military strength as a state lies in the conventional side. What’s more important, if we go back to the beginning of the crisis and its context, we will remember that the Russian and Chinese used their veto three times against the resolutions prepared by western countries, particularly the US, France and UK, with support from Arab countries. If those vetoes were not used and if the Russian and Chinese positions were not tough at the Security Council and other international gatherings, Syria’s position would have been much more dangerous today. It would have meant an air embargo, an aggression against Syria launched by a number of countries, destruction and devastation on a much wider scale than the American threat. When we look at the Russian initiative of abandoning the chemical weapons in this framework, it becomes clear that Syria is already protected, but there is no doubt that responding to the Russian initiative will certainly strengthen the Russian position, and consequently provide more protection to Syria directly on the international level. Russian officials, led by President Putin, have stressed that Russia will continue to support Syria militarily and is committed to implementing all the contracts which enable it to defend its land.

This is part of the guarantees. Of course we cannot announce everything now, because it does not only concern us in Syria, but concerns the role of another country, which is Russia. We can say in general terms that we can be more reassured now, more than before the Russian initiative. But I want to stress one point: the real weapon of mass destruction that have been used against us, and which we should think of deterring, is the weapon of extremism that has entered the country and is destroying it. This weapon today is more dangerous than any other. Some countries, including Israel, are using it against us, and we should focus on it. We face a number of dangers and we need to think of finding the right deterrents, most importantly how to face terrorism. This is our priority at this stage.

Tishreen: A number of dates have been set for Geneva 2, but we never heard once that Syria has set a date. When, do you think, Geneva 2 could be held, and what are Syria’s conditions?

President Assad: The dates proposed in the past were all virtual and often set by the media. Practically, there is no specific date proposed by any country, for several reasons. First, the American administration has been unable achieve significant victories on the ground in Syria, which it thought was necessary going into Geneva 2 in order to force the Syrian state to make concessions to the groups affiliated to the US, the West, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Second, they have not been able to unite the opposition, which was torn from one division to another and further fragmentation. Third, they have not been able to build a popular base on the ground for these groups.

These are the reasons that led the Americans to procrastinate concerning the holding of Geneva 2. I believe that they will continue procrastinating and that’s why in Syria we have said that every day is suitable for holding the Geneva conference. Syria has always been ready since the issue was proposed and we agreed to it. But now the ball is in the US court and its client states in the region.

Tishreen: Are there any conditions?

President Assad: We have no conditions except that we will not negotiate with terrorists, armed groups must lay down their weapons and no party should be calling for foreign intervention. The basic condition is that the solution will be Syrian and the dialogue should be political. Otherwise, if the dialogue is conducted with weapons, why should we go to Geneva?

Tishreen: Mr. President, the Syrian street is increasingly suffering from the lack of security and safety, in addition to organized international terrorism and the increasing number of gangs robbing and kidnapping people. People feel an urgent need to live in safety. Are there radical solutions for these worrying problems particularly that the war against terrorism can go on for years?

President Assad: Of course, the solution cannot be anything but radical. There cannot be a partial solution. A partial solution is like no solution at all. This condition you are referring to, was a source of concern for us at the beginning of the crisis when we warned that what was happening had nothing to do with peaceful demonstrations, reform or democracy. Many people inside and outside Syria did not believe that. Now everybody, with no exception, is concerned, regardless of their political affiliation. Even those who provided an incubator to the terrorists and the armed groups, and before them to the anarchists and saboteurs, before terrorism took its stark shape, know this. Even these people have started to complain and look for a solution. Of course, better late than never; the solution, no matter how late, cannot be impossible, but it will be more difficult and more costly.

Anyway, we have only two options: first, to surrender to terrorists, and we have all seen the consequences in Libya, what they have done in Egypt, what’s happening in Turkey in areas where terrorists have spread, in Lebanon and in different parts of the Arab world. Consequently, this option is unacceptable. The second option is to defend our homeland, Syria. But this requires, as I said at the beginning, that we are united regardless of our political differences and to agree immediately on who our enemy is.

The enemy at this stage is terrorism. No matter how much we talk about political dialogue, about Geneva 2, about a dialogue inside or outside of Syria and all this nice talk, if we do not fight terrorism, we are deceiving ourselves. Fighting terrorism is the priority now. We must get united around this issue first. Second, we need to stop depending on others and take responsibility; there are groups in Syria that have now started to understand the situation and there are others that saw things clearly from the beginning, however, both of these groups are relying on others for solutions. If each of us is going to rely on the other, we will not achieve anything on the ground, and there will be no solution anytime soon and the crisis will last for a long time. And the more it lasts, the more difficult the solution becomes.

Tishreen: Do you think that the international community’s movement towards a political solution might have a positive impact on the internal situation in Syria in terms of how the West translates it into lifting international sanction against Syria?

President Assad: I do not believe the West has abandoned its colonialist mentality. It still adopts hegemonic policies. But the West cannot blockade us if we don’t look at it as the only international option for us politically, economically and in other areas. For more than ten years, the West has not been our only option, but we have not moved seriously in the other directions, i.e. building relations and strengthening interests with other countries of the world, although we discussed the option of going East in 2005.

Now this Western blockade will help us open ourselves up to other available options, and I believe that these options meet most of the basic and non-basic needs of the Syrians and of the other nations that the West might try to dominate. The Western embargo will not pose a difficult problem if we are able to build better relations with other countries of the world, especially since what they refer to as the international community that is enforcing this embargo against us, constitutes a minority and is no longer a majority. Most countries of the world today know what is happening in Syria, and they support Syria regarding the solution, especially when the solution is political and through the Geneva 2 conference.

Tishreen: What is the actual role of the West in this political solution?

President Assad: If the West wanted to, it is capable of helping with the solution. But this should start with stopping support to terrorist groups in Syria, whether they are inside Syria or those which are continuously coming from outside, it should include stopping the supply of weapons and political, financial and media support. Of course, the West might not necessarily be doing these things directly, but rather using its tools in the region, particularly Saudi Arabia and Turkey. If there is a political solution based on this idea, then we can say that there might be a quick political solution to the Syrian crisis.

Tishreen: In light of an explicit or implicit Russian-American agreement – if we can call it that – what is the role of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey, the triangle of conspiracy against Syria?

President Assad: It is well known that these countries follow the American agenda. If you want to know where they are heading, you need to look at the American policy. They move in the same direction. This is a given. Today, we basically have Saudi Arabia and Turkey, after Qatar abandoned its role to Saudi Arabia. So, in order to find the answer we need to look at the American policy. Is America genuine concerning the Russian-American agreement? Is it playing for time? Or does it have another hidden agenda?

Based on our experience, the Americans cannot be trusted. America’s closest allies cannot provide guarantees on anything it announces. American history shows that it is never committed to anything it says. It can say something in the morning and do the opposite in the evening. So, I think that the US is not genuine concerning the agreement with Russia. This agreement has not been reflected so far at least on the performance of these countries. Saudi Arabia is still sending terrorists and supporting them with money and weapons, and Turkey is still providing them with logistical support and facilitating their movement and their entry into Syria.

Tishreen: On October 6, 2013, what do you say to the Syrian people, to the Syrian Arab Army and to Tishreen Newspaper, which was one of the fruits of the victory of the October War of liberation?

President Assad: The Syrian people made the October War with their steadfastness and by embracing the armed forces. This people are thousands of years old and have experienced natural disasters, wars, massacres and genocides. Nevertheless, they remained strong and steadfast, and Syria, particularly Damascus and Aleppo, have continued to exist throughout history while other civilizations, cities and capitals have disappeared. This is not the first crisis and it might not be the last in the short term and for future generations. Despite its severity, this crisis should not frighten us or make us lose hope. We need to learn the lessons from this crisis in order to be stronger for future ones. If we assume that this region is characterized by crises, and that they will always visit us in different shapes and forms, we need to learn from every crisis to be stronger in facing the next one.

It is the Syrian people that embraced the armed forces, and if we read Syria’s history since independence, we find that they made Syria’s history whether militarily or politically through the unity with Egypt, when a military delegation went to Egypt and met Abdul-Nasser. They confronted the Muslim Brotherhood, contributed to uniting Lebanon, waged the October War of liberation and they are still making Syria’s history. Today, the Syrian people still look at the armed forces in the same way they looked at them throughout post-independence history. They hope that they will be able to defeat the terrorists and restore safety and stability to Syria. We have full confidence in our history, in God, in our homeland. We have faith that we will triumph with the steadfastness and intelligence of the Syrian people and the valour of our armed forces.

I want to end with a message to you in Tishreen newspaper, since we are conducting this interview on this occasion and your newspaper carries its name that is dear to the hearts of Syrians. When we say that Syria is in a state of war, it does not mean that only soldiers fight this war. It is fought by every Syrian citizen, each from his or her position. When teachers go to school, they are fighting. When students go to school, they and their parents are fighting. This is part of the war and part of defending Syria. When workers, employees and self-employed people go to work, this is also part of the battle. This is what you are doing as journalists standing in the first line because you have been threatened from the very beginning that you will pay for your patriotic stance. I hope you will continue to carry this message to your readers and express the essence of the October War, which is the steadfastness of the people, the valour of the army and the will to triumph. On this occasion, which also coincides with the anniversary of the creation of your newspaper in 1975 I would like to send my best regards to all the staff at Tishreen newspaper and wish them all the best.

Dr. Rouhani emphasis on Iran-Cuba cooperation in international organizations

Dr. Rouhani emphasis on Iran-Cuba cooperation in international organizations
http://www.president.ir/en/72321
news id: 72321 - Saturday 19 October 2013 - 10:37
President Hassan Rouhani said on Saturday that Iran and Cuba could play a pivotal role in international organizations, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in particular.

Dr.Rouhani emphasis on Iran-Cuba cooperation in international organizations President Rouhani’s remarks were made during a meeting here with new Ambassador of Cuba to Iran Vladimir Andres Gonzalez Quesada who submitted his credentials to the Iranian President.

Noting that Iran and Cuba enjoyed common viewpoints on important global issues, President Rouhani said Tehran enjoys good relations with Latin American countries,Cuba in particular.

Describing the political level of Tehran- Havana relations as high, the President underlined that the two sides should do their utmost for fostering all-out ties in cultural,economic and technological arenas.

President Rouhani also expressed hope that mutual ties could be further expanded during the term of the new Cuban ambassador.

Meanwhile, the Cuban ambassador stressed, for his part, that Havana attached great importance to expansion of bilateral relations with Tehran.

Pointing to the long history of Iran-Cuba relations, he also voiced Havana full readiness to expand all-out ties with Tehran.

President Felicitates Muslim Heads of State on Eid Al-Adha

President Felicitates Muslim Heads of State on Eid Al-Adha
http://www.president.ir/en/72295
news id: 72295 - Tuesday 15 October 2013 - 18:42
President Hassan Rouhani in separate messages congratulated leaders of the Muslim world on the advent of Eid Al-Adha (Muslim Feast of Sacrifice, marking the end of the Hajj season).

In his messages, president extended his congratulations to the Muslim states and nations as well as his counterparts in Islamic countries, and expressed the hope that Muslim governments and nations would further boost their bonds of unity, brotherhood and cordiality and strengthen their sympathy and partnership.

“I merrily felicitate you on the occasion of Eid Al-Adha I hope we will see the promotion of peace and friendship among the nations, specially the Muslim Ummah,” Dr.Rouhani said in his messages.

“I pray God for your health and success as well as prosperity and happiness of your government and Muslim nation,” he added.

President al-Assad to Der Spiegel: No dialogue with gunmen, all decisions taken by the West for the past ten years have been in support of al-Qaeda

President al-Assad to Der Spiegel: No dialogue with gunmen, all decisions taken by the West for the past ten years have been in support of al-Qaeda
http://sana.sy/eng/21/2013/10/07/506130.htm
Oct 07, 2013

Damascus, (SANA) – President Bashar al-Assad said that all the political decisions that have been taken by the west in the last ten years have been in support of al-Qaeda, intentionally or inadvertently.

In an interview with the German Der Spiegel News Magazine, President al-Assad said that through Western support, now there are thousands of al-Qaeda fighters from 80 countries in Syria.

Following is the full text of the interview:

Der Spiegel: Mr. President, do you love your country?

President Assad: Of course, and in this I am no different from most people. This is not merely about emotions, but rather about what one can do for his country if he has the power and especially in times of crisis; and at this particular time, I realize more than ever how much I love my country and so I must protect it.

Der Spiegel: Wouldn’t you be more patriotic if you stepped down and allowed for negotiations over an interim government or for a cease-fire with the armed opposition?

President Assad: The Syrian people determine my fate; no other party can determine this issue. As for the armed opposition or factions, who do they represent - the Syrian people? If so, this can be proven only through the ballot box.

Der Spiegel: Are you prepared to run in the next elections?

President Assad: My term ends in August next year. The presidential elections should take place before that time. I cannot decide now whether I am going to run; this depends on what the Syrian people want. If people are not behind me, I won’t stand in the elections.

Der Spiegel: Will you seriously consider giving up power?

President Assad: This is not about me or what I want. It’s about what people want. The country is not mine alone, it’s the country for all Syrians.

Der Spiegel: But some people say that you are the cause of the rebellion, because people want to get rid of corruption and tyranny. They call for a true democracy; and according to the opposition, this is not possible with you in power.

President Assad: Do these people speak for themselves, or do they speak on behalf of the Syrian people or on behalf of the countries that are backing them? Do they speak on behalf of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Saudi Arabia or Qatar? Let me be clear about this: this conflict is being brought to our country from the outside world. These people live in five-star hotels, they are dictated to by their financial backers and have no grass roots in Syria.

Der Spiegel: Do you deny that there is a strong opposition against you in your country? President Assad: There is certainly an opposition in our country. What country doesn’t have opposition? It’s impossible for all the Syrians to be on my side.

Obama has no right to tell the Syrian people whom to choose as their president

Der Spiegel: It’s not only us who deny the legitimacy of your presidency. U.S. President Barack Obama said at the U.N. General Assembly meeting in New York that a leader who kills his people and gases children to death has forfeited any right to rule his country.

President Assad: First, he is the president of the United States and has no right to pass judgment on Syria.Second, he has no right to tell the Syrian people whom to choose as their president. Third, what he says in realty has no foundation whatsoever. He has been calling for me to step down for one and a half years. What next? Have his statements made any impact? None whatsoever.

Der Spiegel: For us, it seems that you are ignoring reality. By stepping down, you save the people a great deal of suffering.

President Assad: This has nothing to do with me being president. Killing innocent people and terrorizing them by explosions and car bombs, brought to our country by al-Qaeda, is what causes pain to the Syrian people. What does that have to do with me being in office?

Der Spiegel: It is relevant because your forces and security services have committed some of these atrocities and you are responsible for that.

President Assad: Despite the fact that the protests were not peaceful at all, it was our policy from the beginning to respond to the demands of the demonstrators. In the first weeks, we lost soldiers and policemen who were killed in those protests. Nevertheless, a specialized committee changed the constitution to meet protesters’ demands and a referendum was held. On the other hand, we also needed to confront terrorism; it’s the duty of the government to defend the country and take the relevant decisions to that effect. In the context of implementing these decisions, mistakes were made. We must acknowledge that.

Der Spiegel: The rebellion started with demonstrations in Dara’a and the victims were not only members of your security forces. The other side also suffered a great deal. The protesters were beaten and fired at. This harsh treatment was one of the regime’s mistakes.

President Assad: When political measures are implemented – anywhere in the world - mistakes are made; we are only human.

Der Spiegel: So, you acknowledge that the harsh treatment meted out at the protesters was a mistake. President Assad: There were individual errors. We all make mistakes. Even the president might make mistakes. Even if mistakes were made in on the ground, our principal decisions were the right ones.

Der Spiegel: Was the Houla massacre also the result of mere individual failure?

President Assad: Neither the government nor its supporters are to blame for that, because it was the armed gangs and the extremists who attacked the families who supported the government. This is exactly what happened. If you want to assert something to the contrary, you need to provide the evidence and this is what you cannot do. We, however, and contrary to your claims, can give you the names of the victims who were killed because they stood against terrorism.

Der Spiegel: We have evidence. Our reporters were in Houla and talked to the victims and carried out thorough investigations. The U.N. experts reached a conclusion, after investigating the case, that 108 people in the village were killed, including 49 children and 34 women, victims of your regime. How can you deny responsibility and accuse the so-called terrorists.

President Assad: With respect to your reporters, we Syrians, know our country better, know the truth better and can fully document that.

Der Spiegel: The culprits were ‘shabiha’, members of the militias with links to your regime. President Assad: Do you have any evidence to prove that?

Der Spiegel: We heard this from people we consider credible.

President Assad: I’ll be candid and even blunt with you: your question is based on wrong information. What you are asserting has no ground in reality. A lie is a lie, no matter how you phrase it or present it.

Der Spiegel: That’s right. So, you don’t acknowledge that your ‘shabiha’ took part in the massacre. President Assad: What do you mean by ‘shabiha?’

Der Spiegel: The militias close to your regime.

President Assad: This name is actually of Turkish origin, in Syria don’t know ‘shabiha.’ The reality is that, when armed groups attack remote areas, and the army and police cannot provide sufficient protection to citizens, villagers arm themselves and create patrols in self-defense. It’s true that some of those fought with our forces, but these are not militias formed to protect the president. What concerns these people is their country, which they are defending against al-Qaeda terrorists that have been attacking them for months.

We are defending ourselves and not anything else

Der Spiegel: So, it was only the other side who committed massacres and terrorism, and your soldiers, militias, security forces and intelligence services have nothing to do with that?

President Assad: One cannot make such sweeping generalizations: “They are one hundred percent guilty, and we are zero percent.” The truth is not always black and white; in the middle there are shades of grey. But, in principle this is true. We are defending ourselves and not anything else. As to individual mistakes, I cannot, as president of all the Syrians, follow and check on each and every one of the 23 million Syrians.

Der Spiegel: Wouldn’t it be possible that the crimes against the villagers were committed by parts of the Syrian Army outside your control?

President Assad: There are criminals in every country, even in your country. Those can be everywhere. This is normal; but we don’t have sufficient information about this.

Der Spiegel: The legitimacy of a president does not rest on slogans and promises, but on actions. As a result of the gas attack against your people, you forfeited every right to be in your position.

President Assad: We did not use chemical weapons; this is not true. And the picture you are drawing of me is not true. The United States, the entire western world, the richest countries in the Arab world and neighbouring Turkey are against me, and terrorists are crossing the borders from Iraq. On top of all of this, I kill my people, who support me nevertheless! Am I superhuman? No. So, why am I still in power two and half years on? The answer is simple: because a large segment of the Syrian people support me, they support the government and the state. Whether they constitute 50% or less, that is a different issue. But this large segment also means ‘legitimacy.’ This is how things are in reality.

Der Spiegel: After the U.N. investigation of this crime, U.S. President Obama had no doubt that your regime used chemical weapons on August 21 in an attack that claimed the lives of over a thousand people, including hundreds of children.

President Assad: Once again, Obama never provided one shred of evidence. The only things he provided were lies.

Der Spiegel: But the conclusions reached by the U.N. investigators …

President Assad: What conclusions? When the investigators came to Syria, we asked them to continue their work and we hope that they will provide an explanation of who is responsible for this act.

Der Spiegel: The trajectory of the gas shells could be traced back from their point of impact to their point of launching. And it shows that they were launched from 4th division installations.

President Assad: This doesn’t prove anything. These terrorists can be anywhere; they are even in Damascus itself. They could fire a missile next to my home.

Der Spiegel: But launching rockets containing Sarin gas cannot be done by your enemies. They don’t have the capabilities to do that because it requires military equipment, training and accuracy.

President Assad: Who says so? Terrorists used Sarin gas in a Tokyo attack in the 1990s. Sarin is called the “kitchen gas” because anyone can make it anywhere, in any room. Der Spiegel: The two attacks cannot be linked or compared. This is about a military operation in Damascus.

President Assad: No one can say with any certainty that they used rockets. We have no evidence. But the certain thing is that Sarin was used. Is it not possible that one of our rockets hit a terrorist site containing Sarin? Or that they made a mistake while dealing with it? They are in possession of Sarin and they already used it in Aleppo.

Der Spiegel:13 cases were identified where Sarin was used, but in no case has it been used with such intensity as on August 21st. Have you conducted any investigations of your own?

President Assad: Every investigation should start with identifying the number of the real victims. The armed groups speak about 350. The United States speaks about 1,400. Médecins Sans Frontièresmention about 280. This cannot be right. Even the photos taken of the victims contain discrepancies. For instance, a dead child appears in two different locations.

Der Spiegel: You mean that the photos of the victims have been manipulated?

President Assad: I want to say this case should be verified thoroughly; and no one has done that so far. We cannot do it, because it is an area where terrorists operate.

Der Spiegel: This close to the city?

President Assad: They are very close to Damascus, close to our military barracks; they could kill our soldiers.

We win with our population support and vice versa

Der Spiegel: Do you think you can regain control of the areas you lost?

President Assad: It is not about winning or losing in territorial terms. We are not two states, one controlling an area belonging to the other, as in the case with Israel, which occupies our Golan Heights. This is about terrorism, which should be eliminated. When we liberate a certain area, as we have done in many areas of Syria, it doesn’t mean that we are winning, because the terrorists withdraw to another area and destroy it. That’s why we are also concerned about our citizens’ security.It is also important for us to win the support of our population: we win with their support and vice versa.

Der Spiegel: Do you still control the chemical weapons stockpiles?

President Assad: Yes, certainly. Furthermore, to assure you, I would like to add that the stored materials haven’t been activated; and no one can use them before they are prepared for that purpose.

Der Spiegel: This doesn’t rule out that the army was responsible for the attack. Western intelligence services intercepted phone calls in which your commanders urge the general command to use poisonous gas.

President Assad: This is complete fabrication and forgery and I will not waste my time with such allegations.

Der Spiegel: Isn’t it puzzling that we, in the West, have a completely different assessment of the situation?

President Assad:I n fact, your region is always late in recognizing reality and is extremely slow in understanding this reality. In the beginning, we talked about violent protests, while you talked about peaceful demonstrations. When we started talking about extremists, you were still talking about “some militants.”When we talked about al-Qaeda, you were still talking about a few terrorists, although they are actually the majority. Now you realize that it is about 50/50. Take, for instance, Secretary of State Kerry who still sticks to the past and talks about 20%. This is exactly what I meant with the reality deficit you have.

Der Spiegel: Is the reluctance the West to trust your assessments due to the lack of confidence in you. Where does the reason lie?

President Assad: I think the West prefers to trust al-Qaeda rather than to trust me.

Der Spiegel: This is absurd!!

President Assad: I mean it. Maybe you didn’t mean it, but it looks like it: all the decisions you have taken in the West for the past ten years have been in support of al-Qaeda. Some might have done that intentionally and some inadvertently. In any case, and through Western support, now we have thousands of al-Qaeda fighters from 80 countries. We have to deal with them. I am referring to those who have come from outside Syria.

Der Spiegel: You are losing many soldiers, those who defect to the opposition. Are you telling us that they became al-Qaeda affiliates overnight?

President Assad: No, I am not saying that they are all al-Qaeda, but most of them are. The minority are defectors or criminals. At the beginning of the crisis, we had over 60,000 outlaws at large. Those alone could form a whole army. How many are fighting us? I cannot give a specific figure. Most of them cross the border illegally for jihad. They come to Syria in the belief that they will go to heaven by waging war on atheists and non-Muslims. Even when we get rid of thousands of them, their ranks are replenished by other jihadists.

Der Spiegel: Yet, you believe you will win in this conflict?

President Assad: Even if there was no chance of winning the fight, we have no other choice but to defend our country.

Der Spiegel: On the subject of trust, we want to remind you that you have always denied that you possessed chemical weapons, while now you acknowledge that you have them.

President Assad: We never stated that we had no chemical weapons. We always phrased our statements “if we had …, then …” But we never lied.

Der Spiegel: It is reported that German companies supplied you with chemical materials, which you used to make chemical weapons. Do you have more specific information about this? President Assad: No, because these are technical issues. But, in principle, we didn’t receive outside help to make these weapons, because we didn’t need assistance. We are experts in the field.

We are committed to making the whole Middle East a WMD free zone

Der Spiegel: Then, how many tons of Sarin gas or other agents do you have?

President Assad: This remains classified information until it is provided to OPCW.

Der Spiegel: According to intelligence agencies, you have a thousand tons in your stockpile. President Assad: What’s important is the principle not the figure. We have these weapons – yes, but we are committed to making the whole Middle East a WMD free zone. Der Spiegel: This is also a matter of trust. You say you have 32 stores, while Western intelligence services put the figure at 50.

President Assad: This is a technical issue better determined by specialists. As president, my focus is on the political track. We are transparent and the experts can access any facility. We’ll provide them with the data, which they can examine and verify and then judge our credibility. When we say we are transparent, we mean it: to date, we have complied with every agreement we have signed. Our history testifies to this. However, we will not bear the costs of destroying the weapons.

Der Spiegel: And the international community should simply accept that you haven’t hidden secret stockpiles somewhere?

President Assad: In international relations, things are not about trust and believing, they are about setting up the mechanisms on which the approach can be based. Whether you trust me as a person is not important. What is important is for institutions to work with each other: my government and the OPCW. What is important for me is to win the trust of the Syrian people and not the West. What is important for me is Syria not the West.

Der Spiegel: Don’t you need the West?

President Assad: Of course, but not to replace the Syrians, or the Russians who are real friends. They understand better than the West the truth about what is happening here in reality. If I am praising them now, this is not because of the close ties that have linked us for years, but because, frankly, the Russians are more independent than you are in Europe. You rely too much on the United States in your policies and easily adopt its policies.

Der Spiegel: The fact of the matter is that the Russians have strategic interests in Syria. President Assad: You can discuss that with President Putin. But I will say that some Europeans have come and signaled that they are convinced with our political position and that they share our analyses and explanations of the situation. But they cannot say this in public because it’s difficult for them at this moment in time.

Der Spiegel: And this applies to the poisonous gas attack?

President Assad: Of course. I say some, not all. To make this clearer, I’ll elaborate on the accusations against us. Both Obama and Kerry presented lies. But Obama couldn’t convince his people with his lies. According to one opinion poll, 51% of the American people reject a military strike against Syria. The British Parliament was against the strike too; and there was a tough debate in the French parliament. The whole “atmosphere” in Europe was against the strike, including the Vatican. Why? Because most people didn’t believe Obama’s story.

Der Spiegel: Is Germany part of the contacts you are making?

President Assad: We have contacts with some institutions and recently there have been channels that didn’t exist before. We exchange information, but we cannot talk about political communications.

Der Spiegel: Does Germany play a special role for you?

President Assad: When I look at Europe, the question for me is: who is closer to the reality of what is happening in our region? For us now, Germany and Austria have the most objective vision and are the closest to reality. This helps achieve Europe’s interests.

Der Spiegel: Could Germany play an intermediary role?

President Assad: I would be happy if German envoys visited Damascus to engage with us directly. If they talk to us, it doesn’t mean they support our government. They can ascertain for themselves the situation and base their work on the facts. If they think that by not engaging with us, they are isolating us, I tell them: you are isolating yourselves from reality; so, it’s about their interests. What do they gain when al-Qaeda is in their backyard wreaking havoc on the world? After two and half years, they should reconsider their policies. They should ask themselves: what are they gaining. What do their people gain when there is a state of chaos that they are supporting?

Der Spiegel: In light of the unrest in your country, are the chemical weapons stockpiles under control?

President Assad: There is no cause for concern, they are very well protected.

Der Spiegel: This applies to biological weapons too? You have biological weapons?

President Assad: We didn’t give any information in this regard because it is considered classified information. This should not be understood as confirmation that we possess them.

Der Spiegel: You understand the international community’s concern about WMDs falling into the hands of the terrorists.

President Assad: It is not as bad as it is portrayed by the media and believed in the West. There is no need for any undue concern.

Der Spiegel: As far as we know, you lost about 40% of your territories to the armed opposition, and in some areas about two thirds of the land.

President Assad: These are exaggerated figures. 60% of the country is desert and there is nobody there. In other parts of the country, the terrorists don’t control any connected areas.

Der Spiegel: This doesn’t apply to the area adjacent to the Turkish borders.

President Assad: They exist only in the area north of Aleppo, otherwise, there are only pockets. You cannot talk about a real frontline against us. Sometimes, these fighters are completely isolated and exist in areas where we don’t want to deploy the army. The percentage of land is not important to us.People’s solidarity is much more important and this is growing all the time, because they see what the terrorists are doing and what it leads to.

Der Spiegel: As a result of the violence of the conflict, a quarter of the Syrian population, i.e. five million people have become refugees.

President Assad: We don’t have accurate figures; but even four million is an exaggerated figure. Many of those who are displaced within Syria go to live with relatives and don’t appear in any statistics.

Der Spiegel: You talk about this issue as if it were an issue of paying taxes and not a humanitarian disaster.

President Assad: The exact opposite is true. You in the West use these figures as if you were reading a spreadsheet: four, five, six, seven million. These figures are of your making: seventy thousand victims, eighty thousand, ninety thousand, one hundred thousand, as if it were an auction.

Der Spiegel: The reason for this exodus is that people are fleeing you and your regime.

President Assad: Is this a question or a statement? If it’s a statement, then it’s completely wrong. If people flee, they do so for a number of reasons, first of which is fear of the terrorists.

Der Spiegel: Nobody flees from your soldiers and security forces?

President Assad: The army represents Syria; otherwise it would have disintegrated long ago. It doesn’t pose a threat to anyone. When we talk about refugees, let’s talk about another government – the Turkish government – which uses these figures for its own interests. It manipulates these figures and plays this humanitarian card at the United Nations in order to put pressure on us. Another reason for their interests is the money they receive to help the refugees, the money that moves only in the wrong direction, to their pockets; there are so many reasons. Of course within these large numbers of refugees, yes, some did flee in fear of the government but the situation is now changing with about a hundred or a hundred and fifty thousand refugees returning home.

Der Spiegel: How could you push those to take that step?

President Assad: We engaged with them in order to dispel their fears. Those who committed no crime have nothing to fear. Our message was: if you want to be against the government: come back and speak against us; and it worked.

Army and people united, no choice but to trust and believe in our victory and saving Syria

Der Spiegel: You cannot show any military victory on any military front: you regaining control over Aleppo, which you announced, hasn’t happened. Ma’aloula is still a big problem. Even parts of Damascus are being shelled. We heard the sound of shelling on our way to your palace.

President Assad: When you are dealing with this kind of crisis, it is impossible for you to be as strong as in the past. The damage is huge and we’ll need a lot of time to overcome this. But the army and the people are united; and we have no choice but to trust and believe in our victory and in saving our country.

Der Spiegel: How can you believe in your victory if you brought Hezbollah in to help you?

President Assad: Lebanon is a very small country, about four million people. Damascus alone has five million, and Syria is too large and wide a country to be covered by Hezbollah. We cooperated on the borders with Lebanon in the fight against those terrorists who were also attacking Hezbollah members. That cooperation was fruitful and successful.

Der Spiegel: So, you can at last do without Hezbollah’s help?

President Assad: I didn’t say that, I only wanted to clarify and correct the western perception that the Syrian army couldn’t fight any more and that’s why Hezbollah intervened.

Der Spiegel: Hezbollah is one of the few entities that continue to support you. It seems that President Putin is gradually losing his patience with you.

President Assad: President Putin is more supportive of us now than any other time. He showed this by using three vetoes at the Security Council to prevent sanctions against us. Der Spiegel: But he endorsed the most recent resolution, which calls for the destruction of the chemical weapons.

President Assad: That was a good resolution.

Der Spiegel: Because it averted the military strike?

President Assad: There was no item in that resolution that undermined our interests. President Putin knows from his experience in fighting terrorism in Chechnya what we are going through here.

Der Spiegel: That’s why you are confident Moscow will provide you with the S300 air defense system, which you have been waiting months for?

President Assad: He has said more than once that he will support Syria in different fields and that he is committed to the contracts signed between us. This doesn’t only apply to air defense systems but to other weapons as well which enable us to defend ourselves.

Der Spiegel: The international community will do everything to prevent arming you.

President Assad: What right do they have? We are a sovereign state, and we have the right to defend ourselves. We don’t occupy anybody’s land. Why isn’t the international community bothered when Israel gets all kinds of weapons? Why should Israel receive three submarines from Germany, despite the fact that it is an occupying power and still occupies our land? We have the right to arm ourselves in accordance with the U.N. charter. This is why the West isn’t objective in this position; it’s because of these double standards that we don’t trust the West.

Der Spiegel: Aren’t you concerned that Israel will shell the new defense system as soon as it arrives from Moscow?

President Assad: In our case, and in this state of war, we don’t allow ourselves to feel fear. We have to do everything to be strong; and we shall not allow anyone to destroy our armaments and military equipment.

Der Spiegel: And if it happened? President Assad: Then, if things come to that, we shall talk about it then.

We need peace and stability in this region

Der Spiegel: In the past your rhetoric about Israel was more self-confident.

President Assad: No, we need peace and stability in this region. We have always been aware of this. When it comes to revenge and reacting to a strike, we need to ask ourselves: where would that lead, particularly now that we are fighting al-Qaeda. We need to be careful not to ignite a new war.

Der Spiegel: When will you win against al-Qaeda?

President Assad: When we restore stability; that’s why we must get rid of the terrorists. Then, we need to get rid of their ideology that has infiltrated certain areas of Syria, because it is more dangerous than terrorism itself. This ideology, which encourages an eight-year old boy to slaughter a man while adults and children watch and cheer as if they were watching a football match. This actually happened in northern Syria. Getting rid of this mentality and liberating ourselves from it is going to be more difficult than getting rid of the chemical weapons.

Der Spiegel: Such scenes might not be strange in states like Somalia, Liberia and Sierra Leone, but in Syria?

President Assad: The brutality we are witnessing in Syria is incredible. Think of the Bishop whose head the terrorists severed with a small knife.

Der Spiegel: Somalia, Liberia and Sierra Leone have been “failed” states for decades. Yet, you believe you can restore Syria back to pre-rebellion times?

President Assad: Concerning stability, yes, when an end is put to billions of dollars flowing from Saudi Arabia and Qatar, when Turkey stops its logistical assistance to the terrorists. Then we can solve the problem in a few months.

Der Spiegel: Is a negotiated solution still possible?

President Assad: With the armed groups - no. My definition of the opposition is a political program or entity that doesn’t carry weapons. If they were to lay down their weapons and return to normal life, it would be possible to talk to such people. When we spoke earlier about defectors, it is also important to point out that now many of them are withdrawing from rebel camps and joining the fight on our side.

Der Spiegel: For the international community, you are responsible for escalating this conflict, which has no end in sight. How can you cope with such guilt?

President Assad: It’s not about me, but about Syria. The situation in Syria worries and saddens me; that’s where my concern is, I am not concerned for myself.

Der Spiegel: Do your wife and three children stand at your side?

President Assad: Certainly, they have never left Damascus for one moment.

Der Spiegel: Has it crossed your mind that your end will be similar to President Ceausescu of Romania, when he was killed by a group of his soldiers?

President Assad: I am not worried about myself. Had I been worried and fearful, I would have left Syria a long time ago.

Der Spiegel: Mr. President, thank you very much for this interview.

Americans performing Hajj attacked in Saudi Arabia

Americans performing Hajj attacked in Saudi Arabia
http://communities.washingtontimes.com/neighborhood/american-muslim/2013/oct/18/americans-performing-hajj-attacked-saudi-arabia/
Friday, October 18, 2013 - The American Muslim by Rahat Husain

Photo: Pilgrims on Hajj (AP)

WASHINGTON, October 18, 2013— A group of Americans visiting Saudi Arabia to perform Hajj were threatened and attacked earlier this week on Oct. 16 by a radicalized group of extremists. On one of the nights where Hajj pilgrims are required to stay overnight in the city of Mina, a group of young men began asking different sets of pilgrims if they were from the United States.

When they encountered a group that identified themselves as not only Americans, but also as Shiite Muslims, they were threatened and attacked by the group of men, who were apparently armed with knives and other blades.

During the attack, the men reportedly shouted “Our [holy pilgrimage] will be complete once we have killed you, ripped out your hearts and eaten them, and [then] raped your women.”

In continuing the assault, the men also shouted “We’re going to do Karbala all over again,” referring to an important historical event to Shi’ite Muslims, wherein the grandson of the Prophet, named Imam Husain, was brutally attacked and killed, after he was forced to witness the killing of many of his family members. The survivors of the incident, mostly women and children, were immediately imprisoned in circumstances that resulted in the deaths of some of the prisoners.

The Americans fled the tent area, which the Saudi government had specifically designated for American and European pilgrims. During the escape, many of the group, almost entirely U.S. citizens and mostly hailing from Dearborn, Michigan suffered bruises (in one case, due to an attempted strangulation), concussions, broken bones, and black eyes.

Victims of the attack reported that nearby police refused to take action, and in some cases were openly laughing at the attack. The Americans approached other officers, including one described as a “lieutenant with stars on his shoulder pads.” They reported the attack and showed police video footage of the attack taken on cell phones.

The “lieutenant” confiscated the phones and immediately deleted the videos in front of onlookers. Without comment, he returned the phones to their owners and left.

Members of the group also turned to the U.S. Embassy in Saudi Arabia for assistance, but were told help could only be provided if members of the group had died in the attacks.

Some victims even tweeted about the attack after reaching safety:

@seyedmg wrote “10 members of our group where attacked by 200 barbarian salafis for making salawat in Mina …. They need your [prayers].”

Later he tweeted, also referring to the incident of Karbala, “They attacked screaming kill them like Hussien [sic] and take there women as captives like Zaynab… We have people bleeding and women terrified”

This twitter account apparently belongs to Seyed Mothafar Al-Qazwini, a young Shiite schoalr. Al-Qazwini posts on his twitter account a video of the man he believes instigated the attack. The video, posted below, is an Australian newscast of 31-year-old Omar Ammouch, who was arrested in Australia for physically attacking Australian Muslims who refused to support the Syrian rebels.

The attackers are believed to be of the Salafi sect, more popularly known as Wahabis, who are often associated with strong anti-Shiite viewpoints. Critics believe that many of Al-Qaeda’s members subscribe to the Salafi belief system.

This incident is the latest in a string of attacks against Westerners in Saudi Arabia. In different incidents in past years, Shi’ite Imams from the United States and Canada were either assaulted or arrested for complaining about assaults. The previous incidents, as well as this week’s attack, all required medical treatments.

“I personally thought it was the end,” said one of the victims of this attack, a dentist from Michigan, not wishing to be identified for fear of reprisal from the Saudi police or other extremists. Continuing sadly, “You always hear about how nice [Hajj] is supposed to be…

“Something needs to do something about [the attack]. If this wasn’t the House of God, I would say that I never want to come back.”

No witness has thus far been willing to identify themselves, each of them citing safety concerns.